Gender inclusivity in artisanal and small-scale tanzanite mining in Mererani Demarcated Area, Tanzania, Africa: A future perspective

Abstract
Article Information
This work is licensed under a  Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Internacional License.
Journal of the Geological Survey of Brazil vol 8, n 3 , 177-189, December 2025
This study examines the impact of Tanzania’s 2017 regulatory and institutional reforms on artisanal and 
small-scale mining (ASM) operations, with a focus on women’s participation in the tanzanite production 
value chain. Using a longitudinal research design and descriptive analysis of secondary data from the 
resident mine office, the study highlights significant growth in ASM activities in the Mererani area. In 
2023, the ASM operators and other actors in the study area totalled 45,385 people, with men compri -
sing 35,095 (77.33%) and women comprising 10,290 (22.67%). This indicates a substantial increase 
from the 4,210 people [3,231 (76.7%) men, and 979 (23.3%) women ] recorded in 2018. Notably, the 
number of women holding mining licenses grew from 10 to 100, while female mine workers increased 
from 100 to 600 during the same period. Despite these advancements, men continue to dominate 
license-holding, although the gender gap has narrowed, indicating progress toward gender inclusion. 
The study also reveals a gradual expansion in tanzanite trading, with a rising number of license holders 
between 2018 and 2023. To further enhance women’s involvement, the paper advocates for a mul -
tifaceted approach, including targeted financial and technical support, establishment of cooperative 
unions, capacity building in value addition, and the creation of a more conducive operational envi -
ronment. These measures are crucial for promoting equitable and inclusive economic growth in the 
Mererani area. The findings underscore the importance of sustained efforts to support ASM operations 
and promote gender equality in Tanzania’s tanzanite mining sub-sector, which remains a vital contribu -
tor to the national economy.
Gender inclusivity in artisanal and small-scale tanzanite mining in Mererani 
Demarcated Area, Tanzania, Africa: A future perspective
Michael M. Msabi1      
¹Department of Geology, College of Earth Sciences and Engineering, University of Dodoma, P.O. Box 11090, Dodoma, Tanzania
Publication type: Research Papers
Received 26 March 2025
Accepted 20 August 2025
Online pub. 21 August 2025
Editor : Maria José Mesquita.
Keywords:
Gender 
Artisanal mining  
Small-scale mining  
Tanzanite production value chain  
Mererani 
Tanzania
*Corresponding author
Michael M. Msabi
E-mail address: mmsabi@yahoo.com
ISSN: 2595-1939
https://doi.org/10.29396/jgsb.2025.v8.n3.1
Open access at jgsb.sgb.gov.br
1. Introduction
The extractive industries, including the mining sector,
have long been recognized as male-dominated spheres with 
significant gender imbalances. However, governments and 
international institutions in the Global South have periodically 
attempted to introduce regulatory measures and policies aimed 
at advancing gender inclusivity across these industries (Lahiri-
Dutt 2018). At the global level, the adoption of the Sustainable 
Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015 by the United Nations has 
provided further impetus for such efforts. Specifically, SDG 
5 on Gender Equality calls for achieving gender equality and 
empowering all women and girls, including in the context of 
economic activities such as artisanal and small-scale mining 
(ASM) (Denoncourt 2022; United Nations 2015).
The ASM serves as a crucial source of livelihood and 
represents one of the primary non-agricultural rural activities in 
the Global South (Maconachie and Conteh 2021; Hilson 2016). 
It ranges from informal to formal and can be disorganized 
or well-organized mining activities carried out using basic 
tools and equipment, often by individuals, families, or small 
cooperatives with minimal or no mechanization, and limited 
capital investment (Hilson 2002; Veiga and Hinton 2002; IGF 
2017). Hilson (2002) further elaborates that ASM is typically 
characterized by its labour-intensive nature, low levels of 
mechanization, and reliance on basic tools and techniques for 
the extraction and processing of mineral resources (Veiga et al. 
2015; Hilson and Maconachie 2017). These mining operations 
are often informal, operating outside the regulatory framework, 
and driven by individuals or small groups seeking to supplement 
their livelihoods (Hilson 2002; Veiga and Hinton 2002). The 
ASM industry is noted for having a negative impact on the 
socio-economic position and progress of women due to various 
environmental, health, safety, and economic concerns (Arthur-

Msabi - JGSB 2025, vol 8, N°3, 177 - 189, December 2025
178
Holmes and Abrefa Busia 2021; Geenen et al. 2022; Yakovleva 
et al. 2022). According to the Intergovernmental Forum on 
Mining, Minerals, Metals and Sustainable Development (IGF 
2017), ASM can be distinguished from large-scale commercial 
mining by its decentralized and scattered nature, as well as its 
low levels of capital investment and technological sophistication. 
ASM activities are typically undertaken by marginalized 
populations, often in remote or economically depressed regions, 
and play a crucial role in providing income and employment 
opportunities for these communities (Veiga and Hinton 2002; 
IGF 2017). However, the literature on women miners highlights 
positive economic and labour impacts, emphasizing that ASM 
employment provides women with an escape from poverty 
(e.g., Labonne 1996; Yakovleva, 2007; Arthur-Holmes and 
Abrefa Busia 2021). Studies indicate that women can earn up 
to three times higher wages by working in the mining industry 
compared to other forms of rural employment (Arthur-Holmes 
and Abrefa Busia 2021). However, women consistently receive 
lower wages than men for performing the same tasks in the 
mining sector (Buss et al. 2019; Laing and Moonsammy 2021). 
Beyond providing a source of livelihood, this employment in the 
mining sector has a multiplier effect within these communities, 
as women often reinvest their earnings in children’s education, 
farming improvements, food security, and entrepreneurial 
activities (Yakovleva 2007; Weldegiorgis et al. 2018; Hilson 
et al. 2018; Orleans-Boham et al. 2020; Arthur-Holmes and 
Abrefa Busia 2022).
The number of individuals participating in ASM is 
challenging to pinpoint due to the sector’s informal and dynamic 
nature (World Bank 2019). However, various studies have 
estimated that around 40 million people in the Global South 
are actively involved in ASM, with an additional 150 million 
relying on it indirectly for their livelihoods (IGF 2018; Hilson et 
al. 2018). A most recent study has reported that an estimated 
130-270 million people worldwide rely on ASM operations for 
income generation, whereas, in rural sub-Saharan Africa, the 
number is around 60 million (Girard et al. 2022). In Tanzania, 
the ASM sector has shown continuous growth, with the number 
of artisanal and small-scale miners increasing from 150,000 in 
1987 to 680,385 by 2011, of whom 27.6% were women (MEM 
2012). Other estimates suggest even higher figures, ranging 
from 600,000 to 1.5 million people involved in ASM across the 
country (Marwa and Warioba 2015). 
In recent years, there has been increased focus on 
women’s participation in artisanal mining, particularly in 
relation to social, cultural, economic, and policy-related 
aspects. In 2018, the World Bank conducted a study in the 
diamond mining areas of western Central African Republic 
(CAR), which revealed that while the employment and 
income benefits from ASM activities mostly accrue to men, 
the associated risks – including health, social, environmental, 
and economic – tend to disproportionately impact women 
and their families (World Bank 2018). Further, the roles 
typically undertaken by women in ASM operations, such as 
stone crushing, washing, panning, and transporting gravel, 
are often more physically demanding compared to some of 
the tasks dominated by men, who are more likely to serve as 
mine owners, managers, and sellers (Macintyre 2006; Hinton 
2016; IGF 2018; Reichel 2020). This highlights the gendered 
nature of participation and the uneven distribution of both the 
benefits and the burdens within the artisanal and small-scale 
mining sector. Gender inclusivity in the context of ASM can 
be defined as the active engagement and empowerment of 
women and other underrepresented groups throughout the 
various stages of the mining value chain (Eftimie et al. 2012; 
Lahiri-Dutt 2018). According to Eftimie et al. (2012), gender 
inclusivity in ASM involves ensuring that women have equal 
access to and control over resources, benefits, decision-
making processes, and leadership opportunities within the 
ASM sector. This includes addressing the social, cultural, 
and economic barriers that have traditionally limited women’s 
participation and agency in ASM activities (Lahiri-Dutt 2018). 
Lahiri-Dutt (2018) further emphasizes that gender inclusivity 
in ASM requires recognizing and valuing women’s roles, 
knowledge, and contributions, and proactively integrating 
gender perspectives into policies, programs, and institutional 
frameworks governing the sector. This approach aims to 
foster a more equitable and sustainable development of the 
ASM industry, with benefits and opportunities distributed 
more evenly among women and men. Within the ASM sector, 
women often face significant barriers and disadvantages 
despite their crucial roles (Bashwira et al. 2014; Rutherford 
and Buss 2019).
The Tanzanian government’s past regulatory management 
of the mining industry, including the Tanzanite mining 
operation, is marked by the enactment of the 1998 Mining 
Act, the 2009 Mining Policy, and the 2010 Mining Act, which 
promoted foreign investment. Subsequently, these efforts 
led to conflicts between ASM and large-scale miners due 
to insufficient regulation, limited enforcement capacity, and 
socio-economic pressures driving informal trade, necessitating 
further governance reforms to secure the tanzanite supply 
chain (Schroeder 2010; Helliesen 2012). Particularly, the 2009 
Mineral Policy of Tanzania includes a section (section 6.2) on 
promoting women’s participation and prohibiting child labour 
in mining activities. This policy highlights the government’s 
commitments through the following objective “to encourage 
and promote women participation in mining activities and 
strengthen enforcement of laws and regulations against child 
labour in mining activities” and its statements: (i) promoting 
women’s participation in mining activities; (ii) ensuring that 
all programmes related to mining, including education and 
training opportunities, are based on gender equality and 
equity; and (iii) collaborating with stakeholders to strengthen 
monitoring and enforcement of laws and regulations on child 
labour in mining activities (URT 2009).
Furthermore, in 2017, the Tanzanian government 
instituted a series of legal and institutional reforms within 
the mining sector, including the tanzanite subsector. These 
reforms, including the enactment of new laws, such as: 
Natural Wealth and Resources (Permanent Sovereignty) 
Act, the Natural Wealth and Resources (Revenue and Re-
Negotiation of Unconscionable Terms) Act, and the Written 
Laws (Miscellaneous Amendments) Act, aimed to enhance 
state control, increase revenue, and promote local content 
by mandating state ownership of at least 16% in mining 
operations and enabling contract renegotiations (Jacob and 
Pedersen 2018; Poncian 2019). The formalization and support 
of the ASM sector are critical development strategies with 
the potential to enhance rural livelihoods, reduce poverty, 
and promote sustainable and equitable mineral extraction 
in Tanzania (Schoneveld et al. 2018; Huggins et al. 2024). 
However, formalization processes in Tanzania, carry significant 
risks, particularly for women, who often face exclusion due 

Gender in artisanal small-scale tanzanite mining in Mererani, Tanzania
179
to limited access to licenses, capital, and technical skills, as 
well as socio-cultural barriers that restrict their participation in 
formalized roles (Huggins et al. 2024; Huggins and Kinyondo 
2024). For instance, formalization prioritized licensed 
operators, marginalizing women engaged in informal ancillary 
activities like food vending or material transport, which are 
vital to ASM economies but often undervalued (Huggins et 
al. 2024). In Mererani, the Government of Tanzania’s 2019 
Mining (Mirerani Controlled Area) Regulations introduced 
a walled trading area with formal contract requirements 
to curb smuggling and enhance traceability, but these 
measures inadvertently excluded many women miners due 
to financial and administrative barriers, compounded by initial 
security practices like strip-searching that disproportionately 
affected them (URT 2019; Huggins and Kinyondo 2024). To 
address ASM-specific challenges, the government increased 
consultations with ASM organizations, fostering greater 
stakeholder inclusion to counter past criticisms of top-down 
policies, and invested in training centers and regional mineral 
demonstration and trading hubs for gold ASM, to improve skills, 
reduce smuggling, and enhance market access (Schoneveld 
et al. 2018; Jacob and Pedersen 2018). This reform process 
culminated in the introduction of new regulations, specifically 
the Mining (Mererani Controlled Area) Regulations of 2019, 
which were tailored to establish and govern the Mererani 
demarcated area. This notable regulatory reform was intended 
to curb the rampant smuggling of tanzanite by introducing a 
trading market within the wall, while also increasing government 
revenue generation from the trade of this precious gemstone. 
The smuggling of tanzanite out of Tanzania, particularly 
to Kenya, has been a persistent challenge in the Mererani 
mining sector, driven by the gemstone’s high value and 
global demand. The 2001 Wall Street Journal article alleged 
that tanzanite was being used to fund terrorist activities, 
highlighting extensive smuggling networks that undermined 
Tanzania’s economy and tarnished the gem’s reputation 
(Schroeder 2010). These illicit activities were facilitated by the 
porous border with Kenya and weak regulatory oversight, with 
tanzanite often mis- or under-declared or traded informally to 
evade taxes (Helliesen 2012; Donahue 2018). To address this, 
the Tanzanian government’s 2019 Mining (Mirerani Controlled 
Area) Regulations established a walled area with a single-
entry point for all individuals holding valid access cards, 
military and other security oversight, and a tanzanite trading 
market within a controlled environment to preserve its locality, 
rarity, value, authenticity, and enhance traceability and curb 
smuggling (URT 2019; Huggins and Kinyondo 2019). Other 
support services within the wall include the tanzanite market, 
financial institutions, and relevant government agencies. This 
regulatory framework was designed to enhance the traceability 
and transparency of the tanzanite supply chain. Despite 
several initiatives and interventions by the government, women 
still face economic and socio-cultural barriers that restrict their 
effective involvement in mining activities and, hence, receive 
minimal benefits. These barriers include critical inaccessibility 
of capital and finances for mining operations from mainstream 
financial facilities, lack of appropriate managerial and 
technical skills, machinery and technology, and lack of 
access to geological information on the availability of gems 
(Schoneveld et al. 2018; Huggins and Kinyondo 2019; Huggins 
and Kinyondo 2024). These challenges highlight the need for 
gender-inclusive formalization strategies, such as accessible 
licensing, targeted financing, and training programs, to ensure 
women benefit equitably from Mererani’s tanzanite ASM value 
chain (Schroeder 2010; Huggins and Kinyondo 2019).
The significance of ASM extends beyond just employment, 
as the revenues generated from these activities play a crucial 
role in supporting households’ essential expenses, such 
as school fees, medical costs, and support to subsistence 
agriculture, providing a pathway for wealth creation (Verbrugge 
2016; Hilson et al. 2018). Consequently, the formalization 
and support of the ASM sector have been identified as key 
development challenges, with the potential to boost rural 
livelihoods, reduce poverty, and promote more sustainable and 
equitable mineral extraction (Perks 2016). Despite the mining 
legal and institutional reforms in 2017 and capacity-building 
initiatives such as the Sustainable Management of Mineral 
Resources Project, ASM is still struggling and is not inclusive 
in terms of gender (URT 2018). Hilson and McQuilken (2014) 
and Hilson et al. (2017) reported several initiatives aimed at 
improving ASM operations in Sub-Saharan Africa, but the 
sub-sector has not produced the intended outcomes.
In the context of tanzanite production in Tanzania, a rare 
and valuable gemstone found only in the country, specifically 
in the Mererani area of Simanjiro District, the Mererani area 
is within the western limb of the Lelatema Antiform (Wilson et 
al. 2009; Harris et al. 2014) and is the only known deposit of 
gem-quality tanzanite in the world (Malisa 1998; 2003). The 
Lelatema Antiform belongs to the fault-bounded granulite-
gneiss complexes of the Pan-African Mozambique Belt in 
Tanzania (Muhongo and Lenoir 1994). The tanzanite mining 
site is divided into five blocks: Tanzanite One undertakes 
larger mining in Block C; medium-scale mining is undertaken 
by Kilimanjaro Mining in Block A, and Tanzanite Africa in Block 
D-extension. The neighbouring Blocks B and D are mined by 
artisanal and small-scale miners. The tanzanite ASM activities 
have historically been dominated by men, with women 
often relegated to peripheral roles or excluded altogether. 
Addressing gender inclusivity in the tanzanite production 
value chain, therefore, is an important consideration to ensure 
that women are equally represented, empowered, and able to 
benefit from the various activities and processes involved in 
the chain. In the context of this study, the tanzanite production 
value chain encompasses the following major activities: 
mining (extraction and sorting); trading and brokerage (local 
tanzanite traders and brokers, tanzanite trading centers and 
stations); beneficiation and value addition (cutting, polishing, 
and jewelry making); ancillary economic activities (food and 
catering businesses, hawking and vending, transportation 
services, equipment rental and maintenance, and other 
small-scale enterprises supporting the ASM operations); and 
supportive services (mining equipment and tool suppliers, 
financial services (e.g., micro-lending, mobile money), 
technical assistance and training providers, and health and 
safety services).
This study aims to explore the gender gaps in the tanzanite 
ASM production value chain and propose strategies to enhance 
their participation and targeted empowerment. Reliable, 
sex-differentiated information on participation and trends 
in the tanzanite ASM sector is crucial for informing policies, 
programs, and investments aimed at promoting gender equity 
and women’s empowerment. These evidence-based findings 
will enable effective decision-making processes to address 
gender inclusion in the production value chain.

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2. Geological overview
2.1. Regional Geological Setting
The wealth of Tanzanian gemstones, including tanzanite, 
is controlled by the presence of various rock types formed over 
geological time. The tanzanite host rocks are Neoproterozoic 
in age (Malisa 2003) and form part of the Neoproterozoic 
Mozambique Mobile/Metamorphic Belt (NMMB) or Pan-
African Mozambique belt of East Africa (Stern 1994; Giuliani 
et al. 2014; Thomas et al. 2014; Leger et al. 2015). This belt 
extends southwards from the Arabian-Nubian Shield into 
southern Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia through Tanzania 
to Malawi and Mozambique, including Madagascar and the 
Antarctica continent (Kröner and Stern 2005). This belt evolved 
from two distinct events: the Mozambique cycle (1100 to 850 
Ma) and the Pan-African cycle (800 to 550 Ma), resulting in the 
formation of high-grade granulites, gneisses, and migmatitic 
lithologies due to deformation and metamorphism. These 
events resulted in the formation of high-grade granulites, 
gneisses and migmatitic lithologies due to deformation and 
metamorphism (Kröner and Stern 2005; Thomas et al. 2013). 
Geologically, particularly in Tanzania, this belt is commonly 
dominated by granulite and amphibolite metamorphic facies 
rock units comprising quartz-feldspar-garnet-sillimanite-
graphite schists, quartzites, marbles, and calc-gneisses, 
which were formed during the Neoproterozoic Pan - African 
event (Kröner and Stern 2005).
2.2. Tanzanite Geological Setting 
The Mererani graphite-tanzanite deposit is situated in 
northeast Tanzania, approximately 65 km southeast of the 
city of Arusha (Cairncross 2020). The geological setting of 
the tanzanite is reported by many researchers, such as Keller 
(1992); Dirlam et al. (1992); Stern (1994); Malisa (2003) and 
Giuliani et al. (2014). Giuliani et al. (2014) present a more 
contemporary explanation of tanzanite’s (and tsavorite’s) 
geological setting, with a focus on the NMMB. This geological 
province is home to the most valuable gem and graphite 
deposits, respectively, in East Africa (Dissanayake and 
Chandrajith 2016).  Tsavorite is mined nearby at Lemshuku, 35 
km west-southwest of Mererani, and Namalulu, 80 km south of 
Mererani (Feneyrol et al. 2012). This part of the Mozambique 
Belt has been termed as the ‘Gemstone Belt of East Africa’ by 
Malisa and Muhongo (1990).  Garnet (tsavorite, spessartine, 
and rhodolite), ruby, sapphire, zoisite (tanzanite), kyanite, 
diopside and numerous other minerals (Malisa 1987; Bocchio 
et al. 2012; Feneyrol et al. 2013) are mined in large, medium 
and small-scale operations. Tanzanite is associated with 
several other minerals found at Mererani including graphite, 
diopside, pyrite, quartz, grossular (tsavorite), dolomite, and 
calcite (Jaszczak and Trinchillo 2013). Apart from its unique 
colour, tanzanite may contain solid, liquid, and/or vapour 
inclusions. Liquid hydrogen sulfide has been reported by 
Taylor et al. (2013), and this releases a fetid, sulfurous odour 
when the crystals are broken (Rankin et al. 2014). Mineral 
inclusions found in tanzanite include graphite, actinolite, 
calcite, diopside, gypsum, ilmenite, quartz, rutile, titanite, 
and xenotime (Dunn 1975; Malisa et al. 1986; Olivier 2006; 
Taylor et al. 2013; Rankin et al. 2014). Structurally, tanzanite is 
hosted in “a structurally complex region consisting of granulite 
facies meta-carbonate and meta-silicate rocks overprinted by 
amphibolite to greenschist facies retrogression” (Harris et al. 
2014). Harris et al. (2014) reported that the graphitic gneiss 
that hosts the gemstones was formed by metamorphism of 
black shales based on carbon and oxygen isotope analyses of 
tanzanite (including tremolite, tsavorite, diopside, and kyanite) 
from Mererani Hills and surrounding areas (Figure 1). Similarly, 
Malisa (2003); Giuliani et al. (2011; 2014) and Feneyrol et 
FIGURE 1. Mererani ar ea location map (inset) and geological map indicating the lithological 
units around Mererani.

Gender in artisanal small-scale tanzanite mining in Mererani, Tanzania
181
al. (2017), have the same conclusion. Further, the study 
by Francis (2017) summarized the geological occurrence, 
associated minerals, and crystal forms of tanzanite.
3. Materials and Methods 
3.1. Data Collection
This study employed a longitudinal research design with 
quantitative approach to comprehensively assess the impact 
of the 2017 legal and institutional reforms on the participation 
of women and men in the ASM tanzanite mining operations 
in the Mererani demarcated area. The secondary data from 
the Resident Mine Office (RMO) covering the period from 
2018 to 2023 were utilized to analyze gender dynamics in 
Mererani’s tanzanite ASM value chain, specifically focusing 
on participation trends post-2019 Mining (Mirerani Controlled 
Area) Regulations, which established a walled area with a 
single-access point. Pre-2018 data were excluded due to 
inconsistent reporting, as the area’s porous nature prior to the 
regulations allowed miners and operators to access the site 
without oversight or restrictions. This lack of regulation made 
it difficult to accurately track and document participation, 
resulting in a significant gap in reliable data for understanding 
the dynamics of the mining community. The present RMO’s 
data capture and report accurate ASM operators in the 
Mererani area. The study focused on the ASM operations in 
blocks B and D to establish the number of people involved and 
the nature of their activities and roles played in the Tanzanite 
production value chain. During this study’s period in 2023, the 
Mererani ASM demarcated area had a total of 45,385 people 
(Men: 35,095; Women: 10,290) working in ASM’s various 
operations in the Tanzanite production value chain.
3.2.Data Analysis
This study employed a robust analytical approach to 
examine the longitudinal trends in the gender dynamics of 
the Mererani artisanal and small-scale tanzanite mining 
operations. The secondary source data were descriptively 
analyzed to identify trends of persons involved in Mererani 
tanzanite ASM operations, by their gender distribution, 
between 2018 and 2023. Through descriptive statistics, this 
study disaggregated figures for men and women involved in 
the ASM activities. This provides a baseline understanding of 
the gender distribution within the sector after reforms. Further, 
the analysis focused on the involvement of men and women in 
several aspects of the tanzanite production value chain, such 
as mining license holders, mine workers, investors, tanzanite 
traders, and ancillary economic services by quantifying the 
percentage changes in the number and proportion of female 
and male in all activities. The findings are provided in graphs 
and tables to show the patterns and changes in gender 
composition and involvement in the Mererani tanzanite ASM 
industry over the last six years.
4. Results
4.1. ASM population distribution in Mererani Demarca-
ted Area
The Mererani ASM demarcated area had a total of 45,385 
people (Men: 35,095 (77.33%); Women: 10,290 (22.67%)) in 
2023, while in 2018 there were only a total of 4210 people 
(Men: 3231 (76.7%); Women: 979 (23.3%)) (Figure 2). Further 
analysis indicates that there is a noticeable fluctuation 
percentagewise between Men and Women in each year as 
follows, in 2018 (Men: 76.75% and Women: 23.25%), 2019 
(Men: 64.31% and Women: 35.69%), 2020 (Men: 73.06% and 
Women: 26.94%), 2021 (Men: 69.52% and Women: 30.48%), 
2022 (Men: 70.10% and Women: 29.90%) and 2023 (Men: 
90.68% and Women: 9.32%). These people played a key 
role in the Tanzanite production value chain. It is evident that 
the reforms in the legal and institutional frameworks and the 
introduction of the tanzanite market in the demarcated area 
have stimulated and attracted many people, both women and 
men, to engage in Tanzanite mining operations and ancillary 
economic services, hence, responding to employment 
challenges and improving their livelihood. 
These data indicate that both genders are engaged in 
direct tanzanite production value chain (i.e., mining licence 
holders, mine workers, investors, large holders of tanzanite 
trading licences, holders of brokers licences, holders of 
stations for selling and buying tanzanite); and executing 
FIGURE  2. The distribution of people and their aggregated gender for the years 2018 to 2023.

Msabi - JGSB 2025, vol 8, N°3, 177 - 189, December 2025
182
ancillary economic services (i.e., clothes and mixed items 
shops, food businesses – Mama and Baba Lishe, pharmacy, 
motorcyclists – boda boda and Hawkers – Machinga).
4.2. Tanzanite Mining Licence Owners and Mine 
Workers
The graph of Figure 3 depicts the continuous gender 
inequality in the Tanzanite mining sub-sector in Mererani, 
Tanzania. The number of participants has drastically increased 
from 1,810 (11.26%) in 2018 to 14,260 (88.74%) in 2023. 
Examining the participation of women and men, there is a 
notable increase in the number of women joining the Tanzanite 
mining operations. In 2018, there were 1700 men and 110 
women, whereas in 2023, the numbers increased to 12,130 
men and 2,136 women.  Figure 3 shows steady growth in ASM 
participants in the last six (6) years, still, there is a disparity 
between male and female involvement in the sub-sector in 
terms of license ownership and employment opportunities.
4.3. Tanzanite Trading
The results indicate that women’s participation in the 
production value chain is remarkably increasing in all three 
main activities, the trading, brokers and selling and buying 
stations operations. The number of licenses issued to each 
gender indicates that still, men are leading in the production 
value chain ( Figure 4 ). The results show a considerable 
decrease in women holding licenses to operate stations for 
selling and buying Tanzanite in 2023, whereas, for men the 
number increased drastically in the same period. 
4.4. Ancillary Economic Services
The mining operation needs several ancillary economic 
services, and it has a tendency to attract other economic 
activities around the mine sites. The economic activities, 
however small they may look but have a great contribution to 
the household’s well-being. Women have engaged in activities 
FIGURE  3. Number of people participating in the direct mining operations.
FIGURE  4. The graph illustrates the number of men and women holding licenses to operate the stations for selling and 
buying tanzanite in the Mererani demarcated area.

Gender in artisanal small-scale tanzanite mining in Mererani, Tanzania
183
such as hawkers (30 in 2018; 150 in 2023), followed by food 
business (63 in 2018; 120 in 2023), and cloth shops and mixed 
items shops account for a small number of women. Generally, 
in all activities show the number of women has grown steadily 
in all activities (Figure 5). 
4.5. Mine Investors and Value Addition 
In recent years, the tanzanite ASM production value chain 
in the Mererani demarcated area has envisaged a significant 
increase of people involved in the mine investments (mine 
investors). The number has risen from 2 women in 2018 to 
70 women in 2023 ( Table 1), whereas men rose from 20 to 
110 in the same period. These are the people with finances 
but don’t hold mining licenses. The growth in the number 
of women in that category indicates that women have the 
financial capabilities to invest in mining operations. However, 
they have not engaged in tanzanite value-addition activities. 
In this activity, there is still a low number of participants, even 
men, this may be due to a lack of technological capabilities, 
capital and required skills.
4.6. Modernization of the Tanzanite ASM production 
value chain 
The 2017 mining reforms and the 2019 Mining (Mirerani 
Controlled Area) Regulations transformed Mererani’s tanzanite 
ASM value chain by establishing a walled trading area with a 
single-entry point and security oversight to curb smuggling and 
enhance traceability, leading to a significant increase in ASM 
participation from 4,210 to 45,385 between 2018 and 2023. 
However, women’s participation fluctuated (23.3% to 9.32%), 
FIGURE  5. The distribution of people engaged in ancillary economic activities within the Mererani, disaggregated by 
gender for the years 2018 to 2923.
TABLE 1.The distribution of people in other production value chain activities in the Mererani demarcated area.
Economic Activities
Year 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023
Gender M F M F M F M F M F M F
Mine investors 20 2 40 16 40 20 55 20 60 25 110 70
Holders of value-addition licences 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 0 2 0

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reflecting socio-cultural and economic barriers, particularly in 
Mererani’s hard rock mining, which relies on explosives and 
mechanized tools like jackhammers, demanding physical 
strength and technical skills that often exclude women due to 
limited training access (Schroeder 2010; Huggins et al. 2024). 
While the trading market aimed to create a formal and structured 
environment for ASM operators, it faced significant criticisms: 
the requirement for formal contracts to enter the walled area 
excluded many artisanal miners, especially women, who lack 
financial and administrative resources for licensing (Huggins 
and Kinyondo 2024; Huggins et al. 2024). Initial reports of 
police strip-searching women to prevent smuggling further 
deterred female participation, underscoring the gendered 
impact of security measures (Huggins and Kinyondo 2024). To 
address these challenges, this study proposes modernizing 
the ASM value chain by providing accessible geological 
data from the Geological Survey of Tanzania to improve 
mining efficiency, developing gender-inclusive financing 
models to facilitate women’s access to licenses, and adopting 
blockchain-based platforms to ensure transparent trading and 
reduce smuggling, building on lessons from past regulatory 
efforts (Schroeder 2010; Huggins and Kinyondo 2019). These 
interventions aim to enhance women’s access to high-value 
roles and boost local economic benefits, though persistent 
enforcement challenges, such as limited local capacity 
and centralized governance, must be addressed to ensure 
success (Huggins and Kinyondo 2019; 2024). It is with those 
in mind that this study proposes a production value chain flow 
chart as opposed to the traditional one (Mining-Cutting and 
Polishing-Manufacturing-Retail) (Collet et al. 2013) (Figure 6)
5. Discussion
This paper examined the roles played by men and women 
in the Mererani demarcated area, revealing significant insights 
into gender dynamics within the tanzanite production value 
chain. The results show that, despite reforms in the mining 
sector, participation has grown from 4,210 individuals in 2018 
to 45,385 in 2023, largely influenced by the 2019 Mining 
(Mirerani Controlled Area) Regulations, which introduced 
formalized operations through a security wall. However, a 
persistent gendered division of labour remains, primarily due 
FIGURE  6. Proposed tanzanite production value chain flow chart (Author's own construction)
to the organizational structure of ASM activities, as noted in 
various studies (e.g., Buss et al. 2017; Koomson 2019; Buss et 
al. 2019; Rutherford and Chemane-Chilemba 2020).
Men dominate high-value roles, such as digging, which 
account for 77.33% of these positions, driven by the physical 
demands of hard-rock mining, including the use of explosives 
and mechanization. In contrast, women’s overall share in the 
workforce has declined from 23.3% in 2018 to just 9.32% in 
2023, despite a tenfold increase in the number of women 
holding licenses (from 10 to 100). This suggests that the 
benefits of formalization have disproportionately favoured men, 
granting them greater underground access (Schroeder 2010; 
Huggins et al. 2024). The decline in women’s participation, 
juxtaposed with their growth in ancillary roles – such as food 
selling and ore crushing – raises important questions about 
the effectiveness of reforms in addressing cultural barriers. 
These barriers include prevailing taboos that label women 
as unclean for engaging in underground work, compounded 
by the lack of pre-2018 data, which limits our understanding 
of historical gender dynamics in Mererani area (Hinton et al. 
2003; Verbrugge 2017). While there is a slight increase in 
women engaging in direct mining activities (from 100 to 600 
workers), the structure of ASM, which often requires physique 
and technical skills more readily accessible to men, reinforces 
their confinement to lower-paid secondary roles. This trend 
is consistent with global studies on ASM (Buss et al. 2017; 
Koomson 2019). The sixfold rise in female workers indicates 
potential for bridging the gender gap; however, the decrease 

Gender in artisanal small-scale tanzanite mining in Mererani, Tanzania
185
in their overall share highlights unintended consequences of 
the securitization measures, such as restricted mobility due to 
the wall’s single-entry point, which disproportionately affects 
women involved in ancillary activities (Huggins and Kinyondo 
2024). Comparing Mererani to the national ASM average, 
where women represent 27.60% (Mutagwaba et al. 2018), 
underscores the need for targeted interventions to enhance 
women’s participation in the tanzanite production value 
chain. The current reliance on Resident Mine Office (RMO) 
data post-2018 also constrains the longitudinal analysis, 
potentially underrepresenting informal participation before the 
establishment of the wall.
To effectively close the gender gap, initiatives focused 
on attracting more women to the tanzanite value chain are 
essential. Women, who often engage in labour-intensive 
roles such as gem sorting, stone crushing, and transporting 
materials, could greatly benefit from targeted training in 
advanced technologies like computer-aided design (CAD) and 
automated grading systems powered by artificial intelligence 
(Chow and Reyes-Aldasoro 2022). These technologies 
could alleviate physical demands and enhance precision 
in tasks traditionally performed by women, enabling their 
transition into higher-value roles such as gemstone cutting 
and quality assessment. Furthermore, the implementation of 
blockchain-based traceability platforms (Cartier et al. 2018) 
could empower women traders and brokers by ensuring 
transparent market access and fair compensation, thereby 
reducing exploitation within the supply chain. By equipping 
women with the necessary skills through accessible training 
programs, barriers related to limited technical knowledge 
and market exclusion can be effectively addressed (Eftimie 
et al. 2012; Lahiri-Dutt 2018). This approach aligns with the 
goals of Tanzania’s 2009 Mineral Policy, which advocates 
for gender equity in mining. The government’s mining policy 
also promotes the value addition of tanzanite within the 
country, presenting an opportunity for women to enhance 
their livelihoods. Research by Collet et al. (2013) indicates that 
local gem cutting retains revenue within country, as this stage 
in the value chain yields the highest income. Nevertheless, 
successful value addition necessitates a skilled workforce 
proficient in jewelry design, manufacturing, business 
management, and modern technologies (Wannarumon 2011; 
Collet et al. 2013; Hsu et al. 2014).
Another critical intervention involves the establishment 
and strengthening of women-led cooperatives within the 
tanzanite ASM sector. Some cooperatives and associations 
are playing various roles in mineral and gemstones including 
tanzanite such as policy advocacy (Tanzania Mineral Dealer’s 
Association – TAMIDA, Tanzania Women Miners Association 
– TAWOMA, Tanzanite Women Miners Development Union 
– TWMDU), self-help financial activities (Manyara Women 
Mining Network) and dispute resolution (Manyara Region 
Mining Association – MAREMA) (Denoncourt 2022; Huggins et 
al. 2024). Addressing the financial challenges faced by women 
miners, such as the need for modern tools and equipment, is 
vital for their engagement in mining operations (Spiegel 2012). 
Furthermore, the targeted training in advanced technologies 
can facilitate women’s transition into higher-value roles, while 
blockchain traceability can improve fair compensation for 
women traders. Women-led cooperatives can help overcome 
financial barriers and combat cultural taboos, thereby 
enhancing women’s representation and empowerment in 
the tanzanite value chain. The potential for value addition, 
in line with the government’s export goals, underscores 
the importance of skill development in jewelry design and 
manufacturing, although current low female technical capacity 
remains a significant challenge (Collet et al. 2013).
6. Conclusion
This study’s findings present a complex and nuanced 
picture of gender dynamics in the artisanal and small-scale 
mining (ASM) of tanzanite in the Mererani demarcated area. 
While the participation of men has steadily increased, the 
engagement of women has fluctuated, with their overall 
share declining from 23.3% in 2018 to just 9.32% in 2023. 
This trend is particularly concerning, given that the number 
of women holding mining licenses and other formal roles 
has grown slowly, compared to men, even as they expand 
their involvement in ancillary economic activities. To 
address these challenges and unlock the full potential of the 
tanzanite ASM sector, a multifaceted approach is required. 
Policymakers and stakeholders must prioritize gender-
centred reforms, strengthening regulatory frameworks and 
support mechanisms to enhance women’s participation and 
empowerment. Capacity-building initiatives, improved access 
to finance, and the integration of emerging technologies can 
further catalyse the advancement of women in the tanzanite 
production value chain. By leveraging the value addition 
potential of tanzanite through innovative technologies, the 
local communities in Mererani can benefit from increased 
employment opportunities, improved mining practices, and 
fairer trade. This, in turn, will contribute to more sustainable 
and equitable community development, as well as broader 
socioeconomic growth and gender equity in Tanzania.
6.1. Recommendations
Future research should investigate gendered barriers 
faced by women in navigating the tanzanite ASM ecosystem, 
exploring innovative solutions that foster inclusive and impactful 
reforms. This study proposes a few recommendations, 
including advanced gemstone cutting, polishing, enhancement, 
identification, sorting, grading, and traceability technologies, 
that can significantly improve women’s participation in the 
tanzanite ASM value chain in Mererani, Tanzania. These 
technologies are grouped in the following areas:
a. Application of advanced gemstone cutting and 
polishing techniques such as:
i. Lasers are used to precisely cut and polish 
gemstones, resulting in improved symmetry, proportions, and 
overall appearance (Breeding et al. 2010; McClure et al. 2010).
ii. Computer-aided design (CAD) and computer-aided 
manufacturing (CAM) technologies allow the creation of highly 
complex and customized gemstone cuts, leading to improved 
brilliance and fire (Wannarumon 2011; Awotwe 2016; Prabhu 
2020; Sun 2023; Mancebo 2023).
b. Application of gemstone enhancement and treatment 
techniques such as:
i. High-pressure, high-temperature (HPHT) and 
irradiation and heat treatment techniques enhance the colour 
of various gemstones to increase their value (Schmetzer 2010; 
Song et al. 2016; Phichaikamjornwut et al. 2019; Karampelas 
et al. 2020).

Msabi - JGSB 2025, vol 8, N°3, 177 - 189, December 2025
186
c. Improvement of gemstone identification, sorting and 
grading can be done through techniques such as:
i. Advanced spectroscopy techniques like Raman 
spectroscopy, UV-Vis-NIR spectroscopy, and X-ray diffraction 
are used to accurately identify and characterize gemstones 
(Gaft et al. 2015).
ii. Application of automated gemstone grading systems, 
especially artificial intelligence (AI)-powered systems, grade 
gemstones’ cut, colour, clarity, and carat weight with high 
precision, while reducing human bias and errors (Chow and 
Reyes-Aldasoro 2022).
d. Gemstone traceability, origin and fair trading can be 
done through:
i. Blockchain-based platforms/technology is well-
developed to trace the movement, ensuring transparency (fair 
trading) and authenticity of gemstones in the supply chain 
(Cartier et al. 2018; Min 2019).
ii. Analyzing the isotopic composition of gemstones 
such as tanzanite to determine their geographical origin 
(Giuliani et al. 2000), which is important for ensuring ethical 
sourcing, fair trading and in some cases preventing the trade 
of conflict gemstones.
However, Tanzanite brokers, dealers and traders are 
recommended to acquire the required skills and training 
that will enable them to understand the negative side of the 
technologies especially the ones that produce synthetic and 
laboratory-grown gemstones. For example, the:
i. chemical vapour deposition (CVD) and high-pressure, 
high-temperature (HPHT) techniques produce gem-quality 
diamonds and other synthetic gemstones which are almost 
indistinguishable from natural stones (Song et al. 2016).
ii. gemstone growth optimization technique to produce 
larger, higher-quality synthetic gemstones with improved 
optical and physical properties (Tripathi and Barua 2019).
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to the staff of the Department 
of Geology of the University of Dodoma for their valuable 
contribution during the process of developing this paper. 
Further, the author expresses sincere gratitude to the 
anonymous reviewers of the JGSB for their insightful feedback 
and constructive suggestions, which significantly contributed 
to improving the quality and clarity of the manuscript. Their 
expertise and dedication to the peer-review process are 
greatly appreciated.
Declaration of competing interest 
The author declares that he has no known competing 
financial interests or personal relationships that could have 
appeared to influence the findings reported in this paper 
and that this research received no external funding as it was 
entirely self-sponsored by the author.
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